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O presente estudo foi financiado porUDI Hospital. The metabolic syndrome: a new worldwide definition. Revisiting the metabolic syndrome. Med J Aust. Development of the multiple metabolic syndrome: an epidemiologic perspective. Epidemiol Rev. Fetal origins of adult disease: strength of effects and biological basis. Int J Epidemiol. World Health Organization. Definition, diagnosis and classification of diabetes mellitus and its complications.
Report of WHO consultation; Sociedade Brasileira de Cardiologia. Arq Bras Cardiol.
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Metabolic syndrome - a new world-wide definition. Diabet Med.
Prentice AM. The emerging epidemic of obesity in developing countries. Prevalence of the metabolic syndrome among US adults. Obesity, insulin resistance, and type 2 diabetes in children and adolescents. Pediatr Ann. Metabolic syndrome in young adults from two socioeconomic Latin American settings. Nutr Metab Cardiovasc Dis.
Holt R. Diabetes Obes Metab. Porto Alegre: Artmed; Human blood pressure determination by sphygmomanometry. Body mass index, waist circumference, and health risk. Arch Intern Med. Departamento de Aterosclerose da Sociedade Brasileira de Cardiologia. This was sustained by specific Neo-Platonic perceptions of the world which saw it as existing on two planes —one visible, the other invisible— which existed in harmony.
But it was simultaneously supported by the way in which Saint Augustine had set out his understanding of nature as an expression of divine wisdom and omnipotence. Knowing the universe, essentially, was a way of becoming closer to the Creator. The natural world, as mentioned above, was merely a book, a text, written by God.
Like the Scriptures, knowing and understanding it required a whole exercise of exegesis, through which one had to observe the elements and species which made up the world beyond their external appearance and attempt to decode the hidden moral and spiritual meaning contained within plants and animals. For this purpose, similarities, analogies, metaphors —such characteristic epistemological bases of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries— were an essential instrument for the understanding of nature and the meanings which God had given to it R.
For many of them, America revealed itself to be a new Eden, a mythical world which took on providential meaning Ledezma, Ultimately, the nature of the New World, interpreted in this symbolic way, allowed him to construct his own unique vision of Portuguese America and the place it should occupy within the Portuguese Empire. In this respect, we should not interpret a text like Frutas do Brasil outside of the distinctive political parameters of the age and context in which it was written.
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It cannot be read from a perspective more relevant to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries —as a text in which there are hints of future separatist and nationalist claims. In any case, the treatise did indeed open the possibility of thinking about Brazil in a different way Almeida, : 1, ; Curto, He thus appeals for a central position for Brazil within an imperial structure which, at least in terms of perceptions and symbolic value, still bestowed greater significance on the Asian world, and particularly on India.
For this, in fact, he turned to rhetorical features not very different from those which were increasingly being used from the end of the sixteenth century in a range of contexts in Spanish America and even in Portuguese India. As is well known, there were many images and lengthy reasoning constructed in colonial American contexts, through chronicles, hagiographies, natural histories and other texts, all with the aim of sacralizing the New World. It became, as we have just seen, a space in which authors could claim the presence of a multitude of signs which were understood as no less than expressions of the divine.
Furthermore, it was a space where holiness became possible, especially for those of peninsular descent who had been born in the New World. As a result, there was no shortage of accounts, especially during the Baroque period and sometimes written by criollos , which constructed a paradisiacal vision of the Americas and, naturally, of Brazil.
There were also expressions which came from a less erudite world, such as those which are found in the unique cosmogony of the colonizer Pedro de Rates Henequim, who was condemned by the Inquisition in Gomes, These elements worked well as signs of the favor and divine blessing which had been bestowed on the New World.
Some of the most obviously symbolic depictions of the passionflower circulated from the beginning of the seventeenth century in printed works by authors like Antonio Possevino, Giacomo Bosio and Juan Eusebio Nieremberg himself, and served to reinforce this spiritualized vision of the flower. He also argued that a providential dimension could be attributed to Brazil, thanks to its fruits. In reality, only the greed and the sins which colonization had brought with it posed a threat to the original nature of this earth filled with signs of Redemption.
With those signs continuing to be ignored, the following punishment was the only possible result:. What land, what climate in this Brazil; what similarities the flowers and fruits of this land have to the Passion of the Christ. The first name with which this part of America was baptized by its discoverers was Santa Cruz; ambition beat the name Santa Cruz out of the land, and renamed it Brazil, after the Brazilwood tree; out of interest in wood, not remembrance of the Cross, this land is called Brazil, and not Santa Cruz, as it was at first known, when there was not so much sugarcane, so much fruit, so much Brazilwood, so much greed, so much coldness and so much sin.
He even sought to claim primacy for America over Europe, constructing an allegory putting two different images face to face. The first was that of a rosary made of flowers, drawn by the Virgin in the first volume of the book of the world corresponding to the Old World ; the second was that of a rosary made of fruit, which she had printed onto the second volume corresponding to Brazil. In contrast, fruits grew and multiplied, lasted longer than flowers, were consequently more persevering and robust, and thus were favored by God:.
The comparison even translated to the Asian sphere, implicitly revealing his consciousness of the worldly dimension of the Portuguese monarchy and of the way in which its different parts could be balanced. The issue, of course, was not trivial, and would serve throughout the second half of the seventeenth century as an argument in attempts to determine the relationship between the monarchy and the elites of Pernambuco. These elites sometimes asserted loyalty to the crown and sometimes, from a purely contractual standpoint, proclaimed themselves to be political subjects rather than simply natural subjects of the Portuguese monarch Mello, It was produced during a time of deep political, economic and social transformations across Portuguese America.
On the one hand, the sugar industry itself suffered from serious difficulties during the second half of the seventeenth century. The significant growth in sugar production in the British, French and Dutch Caribbean led to a substantial increase in competition and therefore to a sharp decrease in Brazilian exports.
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Furthermore, it brought with it a significant reduction in sugar prices and higher demand for slaves, whose price progressively rose Schwartz, There was no shortage of critics who, in these transition years from the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries, spoke out to warn about the political, social and moral risks which could come about —or had already come about— from the exploitation of gold.
The euphoria which the gold industry had engendered, they said, attracted contemptible men to the gold regions, awakened greed in foreigners and ruined industries like sugar and tobacco by taking away a significant percentage of the slave workforce and diverting away other goods needed for the upkeep of sugar-mills and plantations Souza, We must not forget that after the war against the Dutch, and after the Dutch had ceded control over the region in , Pernambuco found itself embroiled in several political and social tensions which undoubtedly marked its unique course within Portuguese America.
The king, keen to strengthen his authority, was not always willing to oblige such desires or, alternatively, he rejected them outright by supporting merchant groups, many of whom were from Portugal. Intermittent clashes of varying degrees occurred throughout this period, but they became particularly important during the Mascate War Mello, The difficulties which the sugar industry was then undergoing were also closely linked to this political situation.
In the specific context of Pernambuco, the problems affected above all the colonial aristocracy, born in America and essentially made up of landholders and sugar-mill owners. Impoverished and ever more ruralized, this nobreza da terra , which had formerly built its apparatus of power through the institutions of a decadent Olinda, felt particularly wronged by the rise and the growing political, social and economic power of the mascates of Recife. To add to this, many factory owners were economically dependent on them, heavily indebted and continually obliged to turn to loans from those same merchants to finance their sugar production Mello, Not explicitly, at least.
This standpoint let him highlight to the monarch the role of his loyal vassals who had previously risked their lives and possessions in order to restore control over the sugar industry. As we have seen, this seems to be an allusion to the nobreza da terra which had taken part in the Dutch wars. But, at the same time, he makes significant criticisms of certain attitudes which he identified among those who were part of, or who wanted to become part of, the colonial nobility.
He denounced those who, forgetting their origins —something which happened easily in the New World— made themselves out as fidalgos. He also criticized the proliferation of a common method used to enter the nobility within the Portuguese Empire: the granting of the habit of the Order of Christ Stumpf, ; Raminelli, It would be difficult to assert that the sugar-mill owners of Pernambuco were the ultimate and specific target of his invectives, although some of them probably felt as if they were.